Treball de fi de màster en Lingüística Teòrica i Aplicada

This current study provides an LFG approach to the resumptive pronoun phenomenon in Chinese relative clauses. We first reclassify the relativization in Chinese according to grammatical functions and then give a detailed syntactic analysis to the puzzles that arise, mainly, the optionality of overt resumptive pronouns/nof some grammatical functions, the Highest Subject Restriction (HSR) and the ANM Feature Hypothesis in the relativization of objects. Through our analysis we find that the optionality of overt RPs only occurs with/ncore functions. A [PRED ‘pro’] value will be given to the corresponding grammatical function when an overt RP does not appear. We thus extend the Nonthematic Condition on Structure-Sharing to Anaphoric Binding and give a good explanation for the HSR phenomenon. Lastly, the ANM Feature Hypothesis challenges McCloskey’s generalization, namely, that resumptive pronouns are just ordinary pronouns.