17 2013 ARCHEOLOGIA POSTMEDIEVALE S o c i e t à   A m b i e n t e   P r o d u z i o n e 17 montagne incise. pietre incise Archeologia delle risorse nella montagna mediterranea a cura di Anna Maria Stagno A RCHEOLOGI A POSTMEDIEVA LE Questo volume riprende una delle proposte fondanti dell’arche­ ologia postmedievale italiana: l’archeologia delle risorse ambien­ tali. A partire da oggetti concreti – le montagne e le pietre incise appunto – e attraverso punti di vista eterogenei, i contributi offro­ no un’ampia rassegna di metodi e percorsi di ricerca, ampliando la discussione a una riflessione sui paesaggi culturali e sui problemi della loro patrimonializzazione. Il volume si caratterizza per il taglio fortemente diacronico (dalla preistoria al XXI secolo) e il confronto tra discipline e procedure di ricerca. L’approccio non è nuovo per la rivista e, in particolare, rimanda al numero 6 (L’approccio storico ambientale al patrimonio rurale delle aree protette) che già aveva proposto alla ricerca archeologica “convenzionale” i temi dell’archeo­ logia ambientale e dell’ecologia storica. Il monografico raccoglie i risultati dell’International Workshop on Archaeology of European Mountain Landscapes (Borzonasca, GE, 20-22 ottobre 2011), promos­ so dal Laboratorio di Archeologia e Storia Ambientale dell’Univer­ sità di Genova e finanziato dal Parco Naturale Regionale dell’Aveto. € 54,00 Montagne incise Pietre incise Archeologia delle risorse nella montagna mediterranea Carved mountains Engraved stones Environmental resources archaeology in the Mediterranean mountains a cura di Anna Maria Stagno 2013 ISSN 1592-5935 ISBN 978-88-7814-603-7 All’Insegna del Giglio Montagne incise. Pietre incise Archeologia delle risorse nella montagna mediterranea Carved mountains. Engraved stones Environmental resources archaeology in the Mediterranean mountains Atti del Convegno (Borzonasca, 20-22 ottobre 2011) a cura di Anna Maria Stagno Università degli Studi di Genova Laboratorio di Archeologia e Storia Ambientale (DAFIST-DISTAV) www.lasa.unige.it Parco Naturale Regionale dell’Aveto Indice Editoriale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Anna Maria Stagno, Archeologia delle risorse ambientali nella montagna mediterranea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 1. Materiali lapidei e siti di approvvigionamento STONE MATERIALS AND THEIR PROCUREMENT SITES Anna Boato, Dalle cave ai cantieri: il mercato dei materiali lapidei a Genova in età medievale e moderna alla luce delle fonti d’archivio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Elisa Pruno, La pietra, materia-prima dell’edilizia medievale: alcune note per una ricerca sullo sfruttamento e la gestione dei siti estrattivi di trachite sull’Amiata occidentale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Anna Gutiérrez Garcia-M., Invisible quarries? Locating the origin of stone sources of Roman Aeso (modern Isona, Lleida, Spain) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Niccolò Mazzucco, Ermengol Gassiot, David Ortega, Ignacio Clemente, David Rodríguez-Antón, Lithic Procurement at the Cova del Sardo between the V-III Millennium calBC: data on mobility strategies . . . 51 Jay D. Franklin, Into the Mountain: Archaic Period Chert Mining and Chaîne Opératoire at 3rd Unnamed Cave, Tennessee, U.S.A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 2. Cave: Censimenti, indagini di superficie, valorizzazione quarries: Inventory surveys and heritage preservation Nadia Campana, Marco Del Soldato, Gabriele Martino, Fabio Negrino, Gli affioramenti di rocce silicee in Liguria orientale e il loro sfruttamento durante la Preistoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Cristina Nervi, “Exemptores quoque adfirmant compleri sponte illa montium ulcera” (Pl. NH XXXVI, 125) I siti di cavatura alle pendici del sistema montuoso sulcitano nel comprensorio di Nora (CA, Sardegna meridionale) in epoca romana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Francesco A. Cuteri, Maria Teresa Iannelli, Stefano Mariottini, Cave costiere in Calabria tra Jonio e Tirreno . 95 Luca Mario Nejrotti, Lo sfruttamento dei materiali lapidei nei mulini di montagna sull’arco alpino occidentale . 107 Fabio Redi, Cave di pietra e impiego dei materiali litici nel bacino aquilano (secc. XI-XVIII). Per un parco archeologico territoriale dei siti di estrazione della pietra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .115 Marina Uboldi, Le cave del “marmo nero” e i marmisti di Varenna (LC) dall’Antichità all’età contemporanea . . .127 Fabio Tedeschi, Anna Boato, Roberto Cabella, Andrea Giuliani, Andrea Robbiano, La Pietra di Finale: un patrimonio storico-culturale da valorizzare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Daniela Pittaluga, Luca Nanni, Antonio Calcagno, La fornace Bianchi in Cogoleto (GE): un impianto ottocentesco in un paese che, dall’epoca medievale, ha prodotto ed esportato calce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135 Rita Vecchiattini, “Minere di calcina in abondanza & in perfettione quanto habbia qualonque altra regione in Italia”: il Monte Gazzo a Genova – Sestri Ponente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145 Giuseppe Clemente, Attività estrattive e produzione della calce sulla sponda calabrese dello Stretto di Messina tra XV secolo ed età contemporanea. Primi dati di studio per un nuovo progetto di ricerca . . . . . . . . . . . 155 3. Dalle cave ai siti di lavorazione e utilizzo From quarries to working and BUILDING sites Angelo Ghiretti, con la collaborazione di Enrico Giannichedda, Un atelier di lavorazione della steatite ed un granaio carbonizzato, tra fine alto Medioevo ed età comunale, scoperti sul monte Castellaro di Groppallo (Comune di Farini, val Nure, PC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167 Andrea De Pascale, Roberto Bixio, Segni di lavoro e “firme” di pietra nella città di Ahlat (Turchia orientale): i marchi dei lapicidi medievali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175 Chiara Lambert, Carmine Lubritto, Elena Gigantino, Marianna Melfi, Paola Ricci, Carmina Sirignano, Dalla cava all’epigrafe. Primi risultati di una ricerca multidisciplinare sulle iscrizioni dalla necropoli tardoantica di Abellinum-Atripalda (AV) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Giuseppina Spadea, Il nero dell’ardesia. Qualche riflessione sull’uso nel mondo romano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Alberto Agostoni, Luca Mario Nejrotti, Lo studio dei materiali lapidei della Casa delle Lapidi di Bousson: dalla ricerca alla tutela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .199 4. Archeologia rupestre: approcci metodologici e indagini Rupestrian Archaeology: methodological approaches and investigations Alberto Marretta, Angelo Martinotti, Mauro Colella, Un’esperienza di procedura documentativa e analitica informatizzata di tecniche e sequenze istoriative su due frammenti litici con graffiti protostorici da Piancogno (Valcamonica, BS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .205 Luca Giarelli, Arte rupestre della Valle Camonica. Illustrazione del sito UNESCO n. 94 a cento anni dalla prima segnalazione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .215 Thomas Huet, Le incisioni a martellina del monte Bego: approcci quantitativi e spaziali . . . . . . . . . . . . . .219 Annamaria Delmonte, Silvia Soldano, Progetto di candidatura alla lista del Patrimonio Mondiale UNESCO dello spazio transfrontaliero Marittime-Mercantour: un’opportunità per la valorizzazione integrata del patrimonio naturale e culturale alpino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .229 Paolo Emilio Bagnoli, Proposta di metodo di datazione assoluta di petroglifi su calcare mediante simulazioni Montecarlo dei processi erosivi naturali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .233 Paolo Emilio Bagnoli, Ferdinando Falossi, La roccia del Mascherone di Cardoso (Stazzema, Alpi Apuane) . . 237 Anna Maria Tosatti, La viabilità montana nella Protostoria nel quadro delle incisioni rupestri della Toscana nord-occidentale. Un’ipotesi di lavoro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .241 5. Significati e rappresentazioni Meanings and representations Giovanni Leonardi, Il sole e il capo guerriero: spunti interpretativi sul rapporto tra iconografia e ideologia sociale nell’Età del Rame fino alla primissima Età del Bronzo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .255 Mark Pearce, Into the realm of “obscurity and thick darkness”: can we reconstruct the belief systems of past miners? . . 271 6. Miniere ed indicatori ambientali Mines and environmental indicators Maurizio Rossi, Anna Gattiglia, Riflessi ambientali dell’attività mineraria e metallurgica nella montagna piemontese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .279 Carlo Montanari, Bruna Ilde Menozzi, Maria Angela Guido, The vegetation of prehistoric and historic mining sites around Sestri Levante (GE, NW – Italy) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .289 Rachel Braithwaite, Stuart Black, Nicholas P. Branch, Roberto Maggi, Evaluating the environmental impact of metallurgical activities during the Copper Age and Bronze Age (~5800-2900 cal yrs BP) in the Ligurian Apennines, north-west Italy: a pilot study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .297 7. Archeologia e storia dei paesaggi culturali Archaeology & history of cultural landscapes Dagfinn Moe, Artifacts, human marks and impact in mountainous and alpine areas during upper Bronze AgeEarly Iron Age, – were the Etruscans involved? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 Federica Badiali, Il lago Bracciano di Montese: studio interdisciplinare di un’area sacra nell’Appennino modenese . . 323 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera, The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site: the agropastoral Cultural Landscape of the Madriu-PerafitaClaror Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .333 Federico Troletti, Incisioni di epoca storica e frequentazione umana in alcuni siti rupestri della Valcamonica . . .345 Marta Bazzanella, Luca Pisoni, Laura Toniutti, Montagne dipinte: le scritte dei pastori fiemmesi tra etnoarcheologia e studi di cultura materiale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .357 Simone Gaio, Archeologia e storia di una stalla-fienile della valle di Primiero (TN). Un approccio pluridisciplinare allo studio di un contesto insediativo rurale (secc. XV-XX) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .369 Paola Perazzi, Cristina Taddei, Cultura della pietra sulla Montagna pistoiese. Indagini archeologiche in località La Fontana (Piteglio, PT) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .381 Giorgio Petracco, Il contributo della toponomastica alla ricostruzione storico-ambientale del territorio e i “segni” dei gromatici . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .385 8. Per un’archeologia di versante: Il sito di Costa dei Ghiffi (bORZONASCA, GE) From a monolith to a “slope history” at Costa dei Ghiffi (Borzonasca, Genoa) Anna Maria Stagno, A monolith and its environment. Slope archaeology at Costa dei Ghiffi: contribution to the research approach of the Laboratory of Environmental Archaeology and History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391 Roberta Cevasco, Claudia Parola, Field evidence of past management practices in present vegetation: first notes of historical ecology and dendroecology on the Costa dei Ghiffi slopes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401 Andrea Cevasco, Engineering Geological Analyses at Mt. Ghiffi slope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .411 Anna Maria Stagno, Claudia Parola, Carlo Montanari, Archaeology and Archaeobotany for the history of the Costa dei Ghiffi slopes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .417 Maurizio Rossi, Anna Gattiglia, Il monolito inciso M1 da Costa dei Ghiffi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .433 The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site: the agropastoral Cultural Landscape of the Madriu-Perafita-Claror Valley Hector A. Orengo*/**, Josep M. Palet**, Ana Ejarque**/***, Yannick Miras****/*****, Santiago Riera****** 1. Introduction The Madriu-Perafita-Claror Valley (MPCV) was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in the category of Cultural Landscape in 2004 and considered as a “continuing organically evolved landscape” according to the categories outlined in the UNESCO’s Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention (July 2002, 39, ii, b). The reasons justifying this listing highlighted this landscape as an outstanding example of high mountain human landscape due to the presence of multiple agropastoral structures, such as terraced fields, cobbled roads, enclosures, shepherds’ huts and cheese production sites, and remains of iron manufacture. The valley is considered as a «reflection of an ancient communal system of land management that has survived for over 700 years» (ICOMOS 2004) although, whether «the MPCV demonstrates a relationship between humanity and nature that is of outstanding universal value» or not is still open to discussion (IUCN Technical Evaluation nº 1160). In this paper an attempt will be made to contextualise in their proper historical and cultural setting the late medieval and modern economic activities that shaped this cultural landscape as conceptualised by the UNESCO declaration. This historical contextualisation will allow addressing the histori*  Corresponding author. Department of Archaeology, University of Nottingham. **  Landscape Archaeology Research Group (GIAP) – Catalan Institute of Classical Archaeology (ICAC). Tarragona, Spain. ***  Environmental Programs, School of Earth Sciences and Environmental Sustainability, Northern Arizona University, USA. ****  CNRS, GEOLAB, UMR 6042, Laboratoire de Géographique physique et environnementale, Clermont-Ferrand, France. *****  Clermont Université, Université Blaise Pascal, GEOLAB, Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Clermont-Ferrand, France. ******  Seminar of Prehistoric Study and Research (SERP). Department of Prehistory, Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Barcelona, Spain. cal significance of the MPCV and contribute to the debate on the relevance and universal value of the site in a more historically informed basis, which will be essential in the development of cultural policies for the protection and sustainable development of the area. 2. The physical setting The MPCV is located south-east of the principality of Andorra, Eastern Pyrenees (fig. 1). It extends over 4247 ha, 9% of the total area of the country. Its dramatic glacial relief and its wide altitudinal range, from 1050 to 2905 m a.s.l., create a complex landscape ideal for the study of human environment interactions in high mountain areas. It is formed by the main Madriu valley and the PerafitaClaror valley, which lies in the south-western part of this area. The granitic geologic substratum, formed by granodiorites and biotite, forms in this area a very abrupt relief characterised by steep cliff-like slopes, glacial cirques, and tarns where lakes and peatbogs have been formed. Periglacial moraines of lobular morphology, which expanded from the glacial cirques, are also found in the upper parts of the Madriu valley, their proximal part being partially covered by Holocene screes. These valleys form in their lower areas narrow V shaped sections as a result of glacial modelling and subsequent Holocene slope scree deposits. The upper parts present an open morphology modelled by glacial cirques and ice transfluence processes (Mateo, Gómez 1998). The altitudinal variation and the slopes’ orientation promote a high degree of vegetation diversity in the study area, characteristic of high mountain zones. In the lower sectors of the Madriu-Perafita-Claror valleys (VMPC), from approximately 900 to 1700 m a.s.l., scots pine (Pinus sylvestris) forest dominates over mixed deciduous forest and occasional hazel and birch formations. In the subalpine altitudinal belt the mountain pine (Pinus mugo ssp. uncinata) gradually increases its presence until, approximate- 333 Archeologia Postmedievale 17, 2013, pp. 333-343 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera fig. 1 – Location of the MPCV and map of the area indicating the different sites, excavated structures (Prefixed P for Perafita/Claror and M for Madriu area) and palaeoenvironmental sequences. ly, 2300 m a.s.l. Mountain pine is more dense and mixed with rhododendron in the northern slopes while in south oriented slopes it is more dispersed and mixed with juniper. From this height upwards Caricetalia curvulae alpine grasslands dominate the landscape until the appearance of massive scree slope deposits and the vertical rock walls of the upper glacial cirques at around 2600 m a.s.l. 3. The MPCV project The MPCV Project was a six years international multidisciplinary project initiated in 2004 by the Landscape Archaeology Research Group (GIAP) at the Catalan Institute of Classical Archaeology (ICAC) and the Seminar of Prehistoric Study and Research (SERP) at the University of Barcelona. It was directed towards the archaeological analysis of human-environment interactions in high mountain areas from a diachronic perspective. In order to do so, a multidisciplinary team composed by archaeologists, historians and palaeoenvironmentalists was assembled. The archaeological techniques employed included photo-interpretation in a GIS environment, total coverage extensive survey and excava- tion of test pits and structures. A combination of GIS, DGPS and photogrammetry was employed to produce high resolution plans of the sites and structures and to record the excavation process (Orengo 2013). Radiocarbon dating was employed to date all excavated occupation levels given the scarcity of material culture in high mountain settings. All the data was compiled in a GIS-based geodatabase where it could be subsequently analysed. Documentary research was conducted in the National Archive of Andorra were several parish archives are available. Of special importance for this research were those of Andorra and Sant Julià de Lòria parishes. Seven palaeoenvironmental registers (fig. 1) were obtained from two lakes and five fens and a multy-proxy analysis was run. This included high temporal resolution pollen analysis, micro- and macro-charcoal, stomata and non-pollen palynomorph identification. In some cases diatoms, chrysophytes, geochemical analyses and sedimentological proxies, such as organic matter content were also employed. The MPCV attests to a long human-environment relation that, according to the results obtained by the project, can be traced back to the Mesolithic 334 The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site period (Orengo 2010). Some of the results showing the continuous occupation of the MPCV thorough the prehistoric and early historic periods can be consulted in Ejarque 2009, 2013; Ead. et al. 2010; Miras et al. 2007, 2010; Orengo 2010; Id. et al. 2013, 2014 and Palet et al. 2010. It was during the Middle Neolithic in Perafita valley and Late Neolithic in the upper areas of Madriu valley when human landscape management activities substantially modified the environment for the first time through the significant clearance of mountain pine forest and the creation of large alpine grassland areas (Ejarque 2009). The consequences of this first large-scale human impact have had a great influence on later landscape management practices and can still be appreciated today. After the prehistoric periods, human activities continued to influence the landscape configuration. Since then the MPCV sustained continuous human presence, strongly influenced in its form and intensity by environmental, cultural and historical factors (Orengo 2010). However, it is during the late medieval and modern periods when the processes and activities taken into account for the UNESCO listing took place. Although this should be regarded as only a minor part of the history of the valley, considering the immense cultural richness of the area as unveiled by the MPCV project, late medieval and modern structures are the better preserved and, therefore, most visible human features in the area. Their number and distribution attest to an agro-pastoral landscape that carries most of the weight of the UNESCO listing of the MPCV as a World Heritage Site. 4. Results Archaeological survey documented and catalogued 421 structures of which 55 have been partially or totally excavated, allowing the recovery of contextualised organic material and providing 60 radiocarbon dates (Orengo 2010). Of these structures only 19 have provided dates corresponding to late medievalcontemporary periods. Nine of those correspond to charcoal production mounds and terraces. In the next sections an attempt will be made to join these structures with archive records and palaeoenvironmental data in a historically meaningful narrative. 4.1 The late medieval period The late medieval period sees a substantial increase in the number, size and specialisation of livestock- related structures in the MPCV with respect to previous periods (Orengo 2010). The MPCV project only excavated a limited number of these (see fig. 1), however preservation and, more importantly, typological criteria allows the identification of many other medieval structures which were not excavated. They provide useful data for the analysis of human activities in the MPCV during the late medieval period. Two medieval huts, P167 and P055, were excavated in Planell Gran III site (fig. 2) in Claror valley. These are small round structures with an inner diameter slightly bigger than 3.5 m. Radiocarbon dates obtained from material recovered in the occupation layers confirmed the late medieval date of the structures: the occupation layer P167104 was dated to 1253±32 cal. AD while P055105 was dated to 1382±60 cal. AD. Although only one radiocarbon date was obtained from each structure, stratigraphic criteria suggest these were inhabited during a long period, including both the 13th and 14th centuries. These two structures were probably in use at the same time. Planell Gran III site includes three more huts (P052-4) of similar size, shape and conservation state to those excavated and a so called “orri”, that is, a cheese production site. The orri at Planell Gran III has an enclosure divided in four areas (P046-P048), a milking structure (P050) and a cava (P056, a structure to store and keep cheese fresh). Following ethnographic data (Violant 2001, p. 213; Miralles, Tutusaus 2005, p. 158-171) this orri with multiple enclosure areas can be related with transhumant sheep flocks whose livestock belongs to different owners. These flocks are directed by several shepherds (Violant 2001, pp. 64, 312314) that could have occupied the different huts located in this site. The creation of “emprius”, areas of land that belonged to a community but could be used by another, is well documented during this period. The concession of several emprius to the parish of Andorra, such as the one at Vallcivera in 1280 1 or in la Pera valley (Mas 2005: 34), outside the principality, is a symptom of the increased pastoral pressure in the upper valleys in the late medieval period. Apart from these external emprius, Perafita and Claror valleys, which belonged to the Sant Julià de Lòria parish, became an empriu of Andorra since 1289 by means of an arbitral sentence by 1   ACU, Andorra parchments, 65; AACA folder 1, 54; AACA parchment 12. 335 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera fig. 2 – Plan of Planell Gran III site. fig. 3 – Plan of Riu dels Orris III site. Roger Bernat III, Count of Foix 2. The existence of several documents describing conflicts between neighbours of Sant Julià de Lòria for the grasslands in Perafita and Claror valleys during the 14th and 15th century 3 and copies of the arbitral sentence, including one dated to 1560 4, further attest to the increasing pastoral pressure in the area throughout this period.   ACSJ, parchment 956.   AACA, parchment 8; ACSJ, parchment 969. 4   ACSJ, parchment 957. 2 3 The palaeoenvironmental analysis carried out at Planells de Perafita fen (2.240 m a.s.l.) depicts a similar and complementary picture to that obtained through archaeological evidence, registering an open grazed landscape dominated by grasslands and the abundance of nitrophilous and ruderal species at the transition between the 14th and 15th century. The presence of coprophilous fungi spores further attest to the local presence of livestock around the fen (Miras et al. 2010). The presence of numerous orris in this area, two of them dated to the early medieval period and some oth- 336 The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site ers of similar typology to those discussed for the late medieval period, constitute a confirmation of the continuous pastoral exploitation during the whole medieval period of the Perafita area. In the upper sectors of the Perafita valley, Serra Mitjana fen registers between the 13th and 14th centuries a phase of dramatic decrease of pine and an increase of herbaceous taxa. During this phase a higher concentration of macrocharcoal is attested, which suggest fire was employed to increase grasslands by the burning of pine forest (Miras unpublished report). The combination of palaeoenvironmental, archaeological and documentary data offers a rich picture of the Perafita area: the lower supraforestal areas of the Perafita valley continue the dynamics established during the early medieval period. The increase in pastoral pressure during the late medieval period finds these areas already exploited to the maximum of their capacity and, therefore, a process of deforestation and grasslands creation in the upper parts of Perafita valley is initiated. In the Madriu valley two sites have been excavated: Orris de Setut III and Pla de l’Ingla I. In Orris de Setut III (fig. 3) the structures M035 and M029 have provided medieval dates. M035 is a big sized round hut with 7 m of external diameter. It shows a wall dividing its inner space in two roughly equal spaces. Its occupation level, M035102, was dated to 1340±57 cal. AD. This site has a second hut, M031, of similar size and typology. Structure M029 shows a more complex typology: this roughly rectangular structure has three different spaces, with the easternmost of those being more elongated and open to the exterior. Its occupation layer, M029102, has been dated to 1357±58 cal. AD. Structure M059, in Pla de l’Ingla I site, shows a similar typology to M029 with three rectangular areas the easternmost of which is open to a square enclosure. The excavation of M059 has provided a date for its occupation layer, M059104, of 1361±59 cal. AD, very similar to that of M029. Given the typological and chronological similarities between these two structures a similar function can be assumed for both of them. The existence of different areas, one of them open, suggest these structures could correspond to the so-called “formatgeres” were cheeses were produced and left to dry. These have also been documented both archaeologically and ethnographically in neighbouring highland Pyrenean areas (Rendu 1998). One example can be found in Maurà site 16 in Enveig Mountain, French Cerdanya. As in the aforementioned cases this structure is divided in three spaces and is associated to a milking structure. Associated materials suggest a date of 14th or 15th century. This structure has been interpreted as a cheese production and store area associated with a shepherd’s hut (Rendu 2003, p. 150). Together with milking structures and enclosures, also found in Maurà, this group would form an orri or cheese production site. The importance of cheese production in Orris de Setut III site is also attested by the presence of several milking structures (M030, M032 and M034) and enclosures (M026, M028 and M033). Due to the proximity and structural coherence of the excavated structures and the other structures composing the site they can be regarded as contemporary. This site also presents small structures forming a U shape (M036 and M037) that have been interpreted as goat milking structures (Orengo 2010), according to ethnographic evidence (Rendu 1998). The Orris de Setut III site is thus clearly a cheese production site. The existence of multiple huts, enclosures and milking structures can be also related to the presence of several shepherds guarding a transhumant sheep flock, including in addition a small number of goats, probably belonging to several breeders. The site of Pla de l’Ingla I (fig. 4), can also be interpreted as a cheese production site due to the presence of a formatgera and several enclosures, although of minor importance compared to the Orris del Setut III site, judging from its size and the number and typological diversity of its structures. The presence of multiple charcoal mounds in the area, some of them excavated and yielding dates corresponding to the modern period (Orengo 2010), indicates that during the late medieval period this area was covered by a pine woodland open enough to allow livestock grazing. The limited presence of grasslands in the area during the late medieval period could then explain the small size of Pla de l’Ingla I cheese production site. Several other sites have been interpreted as late medieval orris or cheese production centres in the MPCV according to typological affinities to the excavated structures. Overall, archaeological data demonstrate a pronounced increase in the pastoral exploitation of the area, probably linked to the presence of large flocks resulted by the aggregation of small breeders, probably from the same community. Cheese production is revealed as an important economic activity and it includes goat 337 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera fig. 4 – Plan of Pla de l’Ingla I site. fig. 5 – Plans of the pletas in Madriu valley. milk production, much appreciated for its quality (Violant 2001, p. 345). Palaeoenvironmental data from the different sequences studied in the Madriu valley is also consistent with the importance of late medieval grazing and cheese production exploitation archaeologically reported in the area. Results obtained at both the Blau lake (2.471 m) and the Riu dels Orris fen (2.390 m) do not register significant changes in respect to the early medieval period, underlining the maintenance of a grazed open landscape and a sustained agropastoral pressure in the upper alpine areas of the valley. On the contrary, a higher agropastoral pressure is observed in the upper subalpine belt during the late medieval period. During the 14th century, the Orris de Setut fen (2.300 m) registers a more intense forest opening linked to the increase in anthropic indicators and nitrophilous and ruderal species (Ejarque 2009, p. 285). This is in accordance with archaeological evidence provided by Orris de Setut III site dated at this time. Similarly, at 2.280 m, Bosc dels Estanyons 338 The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site fen shows a temporary increase of herbaceous taxa and a decrease in Pinus both related to an increase in macrocharcoal due to the existence of small-scale local fires during the 14th century (Miras et al. 2007). This deforestation can be related to livestock exploitation, documented during the same time in Pla de l’Ingla I site. As mentioned above this site was located in an open forest area and the local fires were probably directed to increase the grazing area around the pastoral site. 4.2 The modern and contemporary periods During this phase there is an inversion of the exploitation dynamics between, in one side, the Madriu and, in the other, the Perafita-Claror valleys. The arbitral decision declaring Perafita and Claror an empriu of the parish of Andorra 5, despite the fact that they belong to the parish of Sant Julià de Lòria, is essential to understand these dynamics. In practical terms this only implies a shared use of the area. However, from the 17th century onwards, when the exploitation of communal pastures becomes capitalised with the hire of grasslands, the status of empriu of Perafita-Claror valleys keeps them apart from the main exploitation dynamics during the modern period. The supra-forestal pastures in the Madriu valley were of communal use for the breeders of Andorra parish until the 16th century. There was no empriu in this area, and therefore, these grasslands were not shared with any other community and thus the Andorra parish was free to hire them. Thus the Madriu supra-forestal valleys joined the process of grasslands hire. Ribera dels Orris, the name by which the supra-forestal areas of the Madriu valley were then known, was divided in four “cortons”, or grazing areas, which could be hired independently for the summer. The extension of these areas was considerable, at least according to their hiring price when compared with other cortons. This type of exploitation by which large grasslands are hired for their use, is directed towards large breeders and companies that made their profit from selling meat, and consequently, milk and cheese exploitation lost its previous importance. However, the presence of large milking structures such as M017, which is well preserved and associated to modern huts, suggests the continuity of cheese production activities in the Madriu valley during the modern period. This type of intensive 5 pastoral exploitation practised by large transhumant companies that hired high mountain summer pastures supposed the peak of the grazing activities in the Madriu valley. Although this dynamic has its origins at the late Middle Ages, it is during the modern and contemporary periods when it reaches its maximum development until it finishes around the half of the 20th century (Ros 2004). The moment of maximum grazing stress in the Madriu valley, at the end of the 19th century – beginnings of the 20th, is archaeologically reflected in the enormous enclosures or “pletas” of Estall Serrer and Bacives (fig. 5) of which comparable examples do not exist in Perafita or Claror valleys. This process is documented by the excavation of structures M201 and M209 in Estall Serrer area. Structure M201 is a milking structure associated to the pleta at Estall Serrer. The excavation of a test pit provided two radiocarbon dates of 1771±106 and 1810±129 cal. AD. The stratigraphic relationship between M201 and Estall Serrer pleta indicate the pleta was constructed after M201. M209, a pastoral hut located 50 m south of the pleta, provided a similar date of 1730±82 cal. AD. M209 and M201 exemplify the 18th century intensive pastoral exploitation previous to the advent of the 19th century pletas. Sant Julià de Lòria parish, on the other hand, could not hire the Perafita-Claror grasslands since these were an empriu and breeders from the Andorra parish had also the right to use them. Being excluded from the possibility to hire their grasslands, the Perafita-Claror valleys keep their communal traditional uses until the 20th century. This communal use by the parishes of Sant Julià de Lòria and Andorra implies the preservation in this area of traditional activities, mainly, cheese production and its associated structures, the orris. These continue in use during the modern period resulting in the excellent preservation of milking structures and huts, such as those present at Orris de la torbera de Perafita IV and Pleta de Claror IV, which are much better preserved than those at the Madriu valley. Although the Perafita-Claror grazing areas were communal the use of the orris implied a certain customary payment, for example the use of “Lori de Perafita” (sic) costed 6 cheeses in 1624 6. The low cost and the payment in species are an indirect reflection of the traditional basis of this activity, much different from the expensive payment in pounds obtained from the hiring of the cortons in the Madriu valley. The right of use of the orris is also   ACSJ, parchment 956.   AACA, Llibre d’actes i comptes del Comú d’Andorra. 6 339 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera subject to customary uses as proved by the copy in 1770 7 of a sentence from 1607 originated by a dispute between breeders from Sant Julià de Lòria and Andorra about how the right to use Claror’s orri (probably Pleta de Claror IV site) should be attributed. The original sentence determined that the first breeder occupying the orri the morning of Saint Bernabé’s day (11th of June) would have the right to use it for the season. The copy of the sentence was prompted by breeders from both Sant Julià and Andorra declaring to have been the first arriving to the orri the morning of Saint Bernabé’s day. The last documentary source on the use of the Perafita orri (probably Orris de la torbera de Perafita IV site) dates back to 1789 when a local breeder was sanctioned for taking 725 sheep to the orri when the maximum number allowed was 500 (Mas 2005, p. 33). Enclosure P141 could serve as an example of the maintenance of traditional uses in Perafita-Claror area. The enclosure area, dated to 1568±81 DC was created by a small earthen bank with wooden posts on top. This construction technique was also documented in hut P138, dated to 1721±80 cal. AD. The later pletas at Perafita and Claror are a poor counterpart to the impressive pletas from the Madriu. The pleta at Perafita has only been preserved in the toponymy of the area. It may well be that it was constructed following a technique similar to that of P138 and P141. The pleta at Claror was divided in different small enclosures, resembling late medieval and modern typologies. A hut associated to Claror’s pleta, P172, was excavated and dated to 1809±127 cal. AD. This maintenance of traditional uses and the limits to the access of large flocks to Perafita-Claror area, might have been reflected in the light reduction of pastoral pressure in both Planells de Perafita and Serra Mitjana sequences from the end of the 16th to mid-17th century (Miras et al. 2010; Id. unpublished report). Documentary, palaeoenvironmental and archaeological data both agree in the maintenance of old customary activities in the Perafita and Claror valleys, while Madriu valley enters in the new dynamics of pasture rental to the big herds of outsider meat-oriented breeders. With the incorporation of more intensive land uses, traditional activities are not destroyed but relegated to ‘marginal’ areas, not in a productive, but in an economic sense. Local breeders maintained their right to use communal land for their small flocks although restricted to empriu areas such as the Perafita and Claror but also the Gargantillar (in the northern upper area of the Madriu valley) and other emprius outside the principality. Another activity considered in the UNESCO listing of the valley as a World Heritage Site in the category of Cultural Landscape was modern ore extraction and iron-working activities. In the modern period 16th and, mainly, 18th century) the introduction of the so-called Catalan forging process increased production and quality of iron products. The forges were preferentially located in places combining the presence of moving water which could be used to supply energy to the forge, forests for charcoal production and iron ore. There is only one forge in the study area, the forge of Caldes owned by the communality of the parish of Andorra, built in 1733 in the Madriu valley 8. In its first years of production this forge probably employed iron ore from a neighbouring area. Iron ore is known in the areas of Basses Roges, in the Port Negre and in Coma de Claror. Also the presence of iron ore has been suggested for the Pic de la Maiana, just in front of the Madriu forge (Llobet 1947, p. 183; Estrella et al. 1991, p. 126). It is possible to relate this hypothetical exploitation with the iron slags found during archaeological survey in the Planells de Perafita III site, located at the natural access route to Pic de la Maiana. Unfortunately, these slags were unrelated to other structures and they could not be dated. From 1794 9 this forge employs ore brought from Querol ironmine in Pimorent mountains. Despite the fact that the iron mineral had to be imported from relatively far, the continuous use of the Caldes forge needs to be related with the still important presence of pine forests available for charcoal production in the area. In fact, the presence of multiple charcoal production mounds and terraces is attested in both the Perafita-Claror valleys and the Madriu valley (fig. 6). The charcoal mounds located in the Perafita valley can, at least in part, be associated to the hiring of the Caldes forge in 1812 10. However, the two charcoal mounds excavated in Perafita area, in fact, were dated to 1767±110 and 1770±110 cal. AD. In the aforementioned document the hirer of the forge is allowed to obtain charcoal in the Perafita area following the indications of the   AACA, folder 20, doc. 1135. 7 340   AACA, folder 2, doc. 36.   AACA, folder 3, docs. 10 and 4. 10   AACA, folder 3 doc. 1. 8 9 The historical configuration of a high mountain UNESCO World Heritage Site fig. 6 – Distribution of charcoal production sites in the surveyed area. parish communality. However, as also suggested by archaeological evidence, charcoal production in the Madriu area, which is much easier to access from the forge, is much more intensive than that documented in Perafita-Claror, where the use of the forest is restricted to those trees specified by the parish communality. This is probably due to the status of empriu of the area. Although the parish of Andorra could use the area, it was property of Sant Julià de Loria parish and, therefore, the use of its forests to produce charcoal by a private iron-producer hiring a forge to the communality of Andorra was probably limited. In the Madriu valley the large number of charcoal mounds in the area around Maiana, Estall Serrer, Bosc dels Estanyons and Pla de l’Ingla can, in part, be linked to charcoal production activities for the forge. However, from the eight charcoal mounds and terraces excavated in the Madriu area, five have been dated to the 16th, one to the 17th century and only two could have been related to charcoal production for the forge according to their date. Permit for charcoal exploitation was linked to the hiring of the forge and it was limited to a 15-year period. After this period the contract to make charcoal had to be renewed although in a different area to that exploited previously. It was not permitted to use young trees, born after the beginning of the exploitation period, to make charcoal. In this way forest regeneration was assured. This evidence indicates the economic importance of charcoal production. In fact, it has been suggested that the maximum economic benefit for the parish communality did not reside in the hiring of the forge but in the selling of the forest for charcoal production (Codina 2005). However, as archaeological data demonstrate, charcoal production activities in the area cannot be exclusively linked to the forge of Caldes. The production of charcoal in this area is not only previous to the forge of Caldes but also to the earliest Catalan forges in Andorra which were constructed in the first half of the 17th century. Although charcoal production cannot exclusively be related to iron production activities, it is fair to mention that, previous to the existence of Catalan forges, charcoal production can still be related to iron treatment activities, documented in Andorra from at least the 5th century AD (Rovira, Solans 1997; Orengo et al. 2013) and, more frequently, during the early medieval period in the principality and other Pyrenean areas (Orengo 2010; Sancho 2011). Another factor to take into account is 341 Hector A. Orengo, Josep M. Palet, Ana Ejarque, Yannick Miras, Santiago Riera that those charcoal mounds excavated are mostly in relatively low and plain areas, preferred for pastoral activities. At the time when the forge of Caldes started its activity these areas were already deforested, not only to produce charcoal but to increase highly demanded grazing areas, and the more recent charcoal production sites would be located in areas more difficult to access in the slopes of the valley. 5. Conclusions The VMPC stands as an outstanding example of cultural landscape. Its continuous occupation since the Mesolithic has left multiple and diversified types of material culture as statements of past human landscape use and conceptualisation (Orengo 2010). The VMPC needs to be considered, therefore, as an inherited landscape where previous perceptions and uses of the landscape have been preserved and incorporated into the modern landscape helping in the creation of a new conceptualisation of the valleys (Ejarque, Orengo 2009). It is in this conceptual framework that the listing of the VMPC as an UNESCO World Heritage site in the category of cultural landscape has to be considered. Although the results of the MPCV project have shown the cultural history of the MPCV can be traced back to the prehistoric and early historic periods (Ejarque 2009; Ead. et al. 2010; Miras et al. 2007, 2010; Orengo 2010; Id. et al. 2013; Palet et al. 2010), the historical reasons outlined to justify the universal value of the site by the UNESCO advisory committees are reduced to, approximately, the last 700 years. This exemplifies the need to incorporate long-term multidisciplinary landscape archaeology studies into the management and protection of cultural landscapes: it is the only way to understand their character and particularities, so often carved by changing socio-economic conditions. Without this longterm multidisciplinary approach policy-makers and landscape managers are blind to the processes shaping the landscapes, to their cultural history, and their decisions on what to preserve, how to develop and how to manage the heritage will be swallow and dangerously unconscious. However, the structures exemplifying these last centuries of human-environment interactions in the MPCV are still visible, relatively well preserved and, as demonstrated by the previous sections, are open to the development of a historically meaningful discourse. These serve as an outstanding example of the diversity and intensity of high mountain human practices. Their careful study and contextualisation within their unique historical dynamics can greatly help the understanding of their relevance and unique value, justifying thus their categorisation as a continuing organically evolved landscape of outstanding universal value: as proven in the previous sections, the density, spatial distribution, type and conservation of the structures in the MPCV is a consequence of particular socio-historic dynamics and a reflection of the distinctive nature of human-environment relationships in this area. The only way to achieve such understanding is the adoption of a diachronic multidisciplinary methodology integrating historical, archaeological and palaeoenvironmental studies. Only thus a meaningful picture of human-environment relations through time can be successfully achieved. This, in turn, is essential for the creation of adequate heritage policies for the protection and development of the area through the promotion of traditional and environmentally sustainable economic activities, the environmental effects of which are well known through their reflection in the archaeological and palaeoenvironmental records. Lastly, a good knowledge of the historical dynamics that created the site’s modern configuration is an invaluable tool for the development of natural and cultural tourism by, for example, establishing a historically conscious visitor management plan. Acknowledgements The MPCV Project was funded by the Andorran Government (Area de Recerca Històrica), the AGAUR from the Catalan Autonomous Government (EXCAVA program) and by the Catalan Institute of Classical Archaeology (ICAC). The first author received a BE grant from the AGAUR to conduct documentary research in the National Historic Archive of Andorra. References ACAA = Arxiu de l’Antic Comú d’Andorra. ACU = Arxiu Capitular de la Seu d’Urgell. CSJ = Arxiu Comunal de Sant Julià de Lòria. Büntgen et al. 2008 = Büntgen U., Frank D., Grudd H., Esper J., Long-term summer temperature variations in the Pyrenees, «Climate Dynamics», 3, pp. 615-631. Codina O. 2005, De fer et de laine. 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Ejarque et al. 2010 = Ejarque A., Miras Y., Riera S., Palet J.M., Orengo H.A., Testing microregional variability in the Holocene shaping of high mountain cultural landscapes: a palaeoenvironmental case-study in the Eastern Pyrenees, «Journal of Archaeological Science», 37 (7), pp. 1468-1479. Estrella et al. 1991 = Estrella J.C., Menchón J.J., Miquel M., Subiranas C., Tor C., Mineria Medieval a les Valls d’Andorra: dades per al seu estudi, in X. Llovera, J. M. Bosch (a cura di), Actes del 1r i 2n curs d’arqueologia d’Andorra 1988 i 1989. La vida Medieval a les dues vessants del Pirineu, Andorra la Vella, pp. 125-129. ICOMOS 2004, Advisory Borad Evaluation. Madriu Valley (Andorra), Nº 1160, UNESCO. Llobet S. 1947, El medio y la vida en Andorra. Estudio geográfico, Barcelona. Mas D. 2005, Orris de la vall del Madriu, «Papers de Recerca Històrica», 3, pp. 32-45. Mateo M., Gómez A. 1998, El glaciarismo histórico. La Pequeña Edad del Hielo en el valle del Madriu (Andorra), in A. Gómez, F. Salvador (ed.), Investigaciones recientes de la Geomorfología española: aportaciones a la V Reunión Nacional de Geomorfología, Barcelona, pp. 397-406. Miralles F., Tutusaus J. 2005, Mil anys pels camins de l’herba. El llegat d’un món que s’acaba, Efadós. Miras et al. 2007 = Miras Y., Ejarque A., Riera S., Palet J.M., Orengo H.A., Euba I., Dynamique holocène de la végétation et occupation des Pyrénées andorranes depuis le Néolithique ancien, d’après l’analyse pollinique de la tourbière de Bosc dels Estanyons (2180 m, Vall del Madrid, Andorra), «Comptes Rendus Palevol», 6, pp. 291-300. Miras et al. 2010 = Miras Y., Ejarque A., Orengo H.A., Riera S., Palet J.M., Poiraud A., Prehistoric impact on landscape and vegetation at high altitudes: an integrated palaeoecological and archaeological approach in the eastern Pyrenees (Perafita valley, Andorra), «Plant Biosystems», 144 (4), pp. 946-961. Orengo H.A. 2010, Arqueología de un paisaje cultural pirenaico de alta montaña. 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Sancho M. 2011, El hierro en la Edad Media: desarrollo social y tecnología productiva, «Anuario de Estudios Medievales», 41 (2), pp. 645-671. Violant R. 2001, La vida pastoral al Pallars, Edición crítica a cargo de I. Ros, Tremp. Abstract The listing of the Madriu-Perafita-Claror valley (Andorra) as World Heritage Site in the category of Cultural Landscape by the UNESCO was predominantly based on material remains, landscape features and traditions of late medieval, modern and contemporary periods. By employing a multidisciplinary approach, an attempt will be made in this paper to contextualise the material remains prompting this characterization into their historical, social, economic and environmental dynamics. The results show that a thorough understanding of these dynamics is an essential tool in the comprehension of the site’s significance but also in its management and sustainable development. Key words: high mountain, Pyrenees, cultural landscape, pastoralism, charcoal production, iron production, heritage management. Riassunto La configurazione storica di un sito del Patrimonio dell’umanità dell’Unesco in alta montagna: il paesaggio culturale agropastorale della valle Madriu-Perafita-Claror.  L’inserimento da parte dell’UNESCO della valle Madriu-Perafita-Claror (Andorra) nella lista dei siti Patrimonio dell’Umanità alla categoria Paesaggio Culturale si basava prevalentemente sulle rovine materiali, sulle caratteristiche del paesaggio e delle tradizioni dei periodi tardo medievale, moderno e contemporaneo. Utilizzando un approccio multidisciplinare, in questo contributo sarà fatto un tentativo di contestualizzare i resti materiali spingendo questa caratterizzazione nelle loro dinamiche storiche, sociali, economiche e ambientali. I risultati mostrano che una conoscenza approfondita di queste dinamiche è uno strumento essenziale non solo per la comprensione del significato del sito, ma anche per la sua gestione e per lo sviluppo sostenibile. Parole chiave: alta montagna, Pirenei, paesaggio culturale, pastoralismo, produzione del carbone, produzione del ferro, gestione del patrimonio. 343 17 2013 ARCHEOLOGIA POSTMEDIEVALE S o c i e t à   A m b i e n t e   P r o d u z i o n e 17 montagne incise. pietre incise Archeologia delle risorse nella montagna mediterranea a cura di Anna Maria Stagno A RCHEOLOGI A POSTMEDIEVA LE Questo volume riprende una delle proposte fondanti dell’arche­ ologia postmedievale italiana: l’archeologia delle risorse ambien­ tali. A partire da oggetti concreti – le montagne e le pietre incise appunto – e attraverso punti di vista eterogenei, i contributi offro­ no un’ampia rassegna di metodi e percorsi di ricerca, ampliando la discussione a una riflessione sui paesaggi culturali e sui problemi della loro patrimonializzazione. Il volume si caratterizza per il taglio fortemente diacronico (dalla preistoria al XXI secolo) e il confronto tra discipline e procedure di ricerca. L’approccio non è nuovo per la rivista e, in particolare, rimanda al numero 6 (L’approccio storico ambientale al patrimonio rurale delle aree protette) che già aveva proposto alla ricerca archeologica “convenzionale” i temi dell’archeo­ logia ambientale e dell’ecologia storica. Il monografico raccoglie i risultati dell’International Workshop on Archaeology of European Mountain Landscapes (Borzonasca, GE, 20-22 ottobre 2011), promos­ so dal Laboratorio di Archeologia e Storia Ambientale dell’Univer­ sità di Genova e finanziato dal Parco Naturale Regionale dell’Aveto. € 54,00 Montagne incise Pietre incise Archeologia delle risorse nella montagna mediterranea Carved mountains Engraved stones Environmental resources archaeology in the Mediterranean mountains a cura di Anna Maria Stagno 2013 ISSN 1592-5935 ISBN 978-88-7814-603-7 All’Insegna del Giglio