Autor/a

Batllori Dillet, Montse

Fecha de publicación

2011



Resumen

Comunicació presentada a: 13th Diachronic Generative Syntax Conference (DIGS XIII), celebrat a la University of Pennsylvania (UPEN),EUA, el 2-5 de juny de 2011


(INFINITIVE + CLITIC + AUX) is an evidential configuration in Old Spanish and Old Catalan, whereas (PARTICIPLE + CLITIC + AUX) is an instance of weak or unmarked focus fronting. The evidentiality of mesoclitic structures can be put forward on the bases of three main arguments: a) mesoclisis is not compulsory (i.e., whenever you have a clitic, you can either have mesoclisis or proclisis/enclisis); b) mesoclitic futures and conditionals are attested in interrogative sentences (with wh- elements); and c) they are not found in derived adverbial clauses (which is what you expect if they have an evidential value, since they bring about intervention effects corresponding to the derivational account of conditional and temporal sentences, for example - see Haegeman 2007 and ff.), and are related to high modal expressions (thus interfering with MoodPIrrealis)

Tipo de documento

Objeto de conferencia

Lengua

Inglés

Materias y palabras clave

Català antic -- Clítics -- Congressos; Gramàtica comparada i general -- Clítics -- Congressos; Gramàtica comparada i general -- Sintaxi -- Congressos; Lingüística històrica -- Congressos; Grammar, Comparative and general -- Clitics -- Congresses; Grammar, Comparative and general -- Syntax -- Congresses; Catalan language -- To 1500 -- Clitics -- Congresses; Historical linguistics -- Congresses

Derechos

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